恐怖主义预防法案 - 会议报告(参议院 - 1996年4月17日)

[页:S3427]

主持人。根据先前的命令,参议院现在将恢复对S. 735的会议报告的考虑,该报告将报告该报告。

助理立法书记官的理解如下:

S. 735伴随的会议报告,该法案是为了预防和惩罚出于其他目的的恐怖主义行为。

参议院恢复了会议报告的考虑。

MOTION TO RECOMMIT

利希先生。Mr. President, I move to recommit the conference report on the bill S. 735 to the committee of conference with instructions to the managers on the part of the Senate to disagree to the conference substitute recommended by the committee of conference and insist on striking the text of section 414 (relating to summary exclusion), section 422 (relating to modification of asylum procedures) and section 423 (relating to preclusion of judicial review) from the conference substitute.

主持人。There are 30 minutes on the motion, to be equally divided.

谁收益的时间吗?

利希先生。Mr. President, I yield myself 6 minutes.

Mr. President, I will ask for the yeas and nays on this at the appropriate time but, I understand that the distinguished chairman of the committee is on his way to the floor. I would not make such a request until he was on the floor.

我没有轻易采取这种动作。我知道对推荐动议有一个真正的关注,但这是一个非常非常严重的事情。

我理解试图在俄克拉荷马城对联邦大楼的可怕爆炸案1周年纪念日通过该会议报告的象征意义,就此而言,这是攻城末期3周年纪念日韦科附近。可以说,我们想安排国会的决议或意识与阵亡将士纪念日相吻合,但在这里我们谈论的是一项非常重要的立法。虽然我认为我们所有人都憎恶俄克拉荷马州发生的一切 - 肯定的是,没有任何理智的美国人可以对俄克拉荷马城的悲剧发生任何事情,无论我们属于美国参议员,我们也有责任,通过我们可以通过的最佳法律。毕竟,这就是美国人民的期望。

The vast majority of Americans are opposed to terrorism, terrorism of any sort, and they assume that their elected officials, both Republicans and Democrats, are going to pass good anti-terrorism legislation.如果要花一天或两天才能正确,那么让我们多花一天或两天。我们正在为一个受恐怖主义威胁的2.5亿美国人,一个非常强大的国家(一个非常强大的国家)这样做。

参议院大约一年前于1995年6月6日通过了S. 735。房子上个月仅考虑其版本。会议委员会显然会见了几个晚上,我们昨天向会议报告递交了会议报告,指示将其急速通过。自参议院通过了这项法案以来,经过了将近10个月的经历,我希望我们花时间至少阅读会议报告。而且,我敢建议,这里没有五名参议员,甚至还阅读了会议报告,或者对他们正在投票的最大概念。

这就是我们正在谈论的。我们谈论的是在这里匆匆忙忙的一项法案,因为我们都反对恐怖分子。但是我愿意打赌我在弗吉尼亚州米德尔塞克斯的农场,您不会在这个机构中找到5至10名参议员,这些参议员已经阅读了本次会议报告的每一词。

特别是,我的提出的动议涉及我们庇护过程的深刻变化,这些变化以前在我们对抗恐怖主义的审议中以前没有考虑过。我反对与防止恐怖主义无关的规定。这就是为什么他们不在去年夏天考虑并通过的抗恐怖主义法案的原因之一。这些规定是在会议中添加的。

他们与恐怖主义无关。我只要求罢工第414、422和423节。这是一般移民事务。他们应该在移民法案中。他们不应该遵守这项抗恐怖主义法案。

我试图在司法委员会考虑《移民法案》中修改这些规定。我以平局投票失败。本周早些时候,我散发了一个“亲爱的同事”,明确了我打算尝试改变这一点。这些规定是不良政策。他们将制定不良法律,并在会议报告中首次将其放在这里。

I disagree as well with the habeas corpus sections of the conference report, but at least we had the opportunity to debate and amend those provisions. The asylum rewrite was done in the dark of the night and it is being forced on us today. I think that is wrong.

在周一的《纽约时报》的首页上,别无其他。您会看到为什么我们不得在法案中采用摘要排除条款的最新示例。有一篇关于Fauziya Kasinga案的文章以及她从多哥飞行以避免女性生殖器肢解的文章。她试图在这个国家找到圣所,只是被拘留,催泪,殴打,孤立和虐待 - 不是在某些遥远的土地上,而是美利坚合众国。此案使这个国家的男女愤怒。

您可能不知道的是,我们面前的会议报告将立即将Kasinga女士排除在曾经提出的庇护索赔之外,我希望我希望根据据报道的事实,而不会持续更多痛苦。您会看到她从德国前往美国旅行,并乘坐虚假的英国护照旅行,以逃避多哥的肢解。

在我们面前的立法下,她将出去。`艰难。回去肢解。我们不在乎。我们有一项法律 - 我们从未见过的,我们从未辩过过的法律,我们都没有花费时间 - 允许您简要排除。你出去了。

Fidel Castro's daughter is another recent example of a refugee who came here using a disguise and phony Spanish passport to seek asylum. She came through Spain. Under the provisions of this bill, she might have been turned away at the border after a summary interview by a low-level immigration officer. We all know that there are political reasons why Fidel Castro's daughter should be granted asylum. Under the provisions of the conference report before us, slipped into the bill in the middle of the night, are barriers that could make that impossible.

I yield myself 2 more minutes.

In my `Dear Colleague' letter on my proposed amendment to these sections in the immigration bill and in the additional views I filed with the committee report on the immigration bill I also recall victims of the Holocaust and their use of false identification provided by the brave diplomats Raoul Wallenberg and Chiune Sugihara during World War II. Think of Oskar Schindler, think of 'Schindler's List.' These are the kind of things that we need to consider before adopting this conference report.

我的关心不是要捍卫外国人走私,虚假的文件或恐怖分子,而是要承认世界上有些情况和压迫性政权,如果您要逃脱,您可能需要依靠虚假论文。

具有讽刺意味的是,如果我们要通过一项反恐怖主义法案将这些规定通过,该法案将禁止世界各地的恐怖,酷刑和压迫受害者寻求庇护,这是世界上最伟大的民主。

我希望美国不会放弃其作为被压迫和迫害的避难所的历史作用。我们的国家是希望和自由的灯塔,不要熄灭。让我们不要放弃在国际人权中的领导角色。让我们不要放弃世界的真正难民,不要限制保护我们寻求庇护的人们的正当程序。不幸的是,该规定在本法案中的影响将是拒绝难民任何机会索取政治庇护的机会,而是将他们从美国排除在美国,并将其寄回迫害者,没有听证,没有适当的程序保护,帮助他们描述自己的困境,而没有任何形式的司法审查。

会议报告的第421条和第422条禁止以虚假身份进入该国的难民的庇护。我可以理解,我们可能想将其视为庇护所主张的潜在相关因素,即难民带着虚假文件和难民前往这里的路线到达。但是这些因素不应该是既定的。我以前提到的示例表明,有时使用错误的文档不是我们想要惩罚的东西。我担心该法案走得太远,通过在没有律师和简易程序中承担负担来确定该人是例外,并创造出“可信恐惧”的清晰记录,并在没有律师的情况下发出错误的信号。有必要提出虚假文件以离开迫害国家。

The Committee to Preserve Asylum has sent each of us a letter outlining the ways in which similar provisions in the immigration bill would harm human rights and endanger refugees. In their April 8 letter supporting the Leahy amendment they outline cases in which these provisions would have been disastrous.

联合国难民高级专员向我们的主席发送了一封日期为3月6日的信,该信与这些规定有关,这与1967年的协议不一致,该协议与难民的地位有关,并仍然批评该法案。

庇护程序于1994年1月进行了重组和改革。该法案未能考虑到这些更改。实际上,1995年的庇护所索赔大大减少,正在及时处理。只有20%被授予。因此,法案的规定是寻找问题的不良解决方案。INS司法部报告说,他们手头上有重要的事情。

The Department of Justice counsels that we should allow immigration judges rather than asylum officers to make these determinations. Under the circumstances, I believe that we have moved too far too fast and allowed a few cases from the distant past to create bad law.

该法案中的庇护条款将对真正需要庇护所的不老练的难民施加不当负担,但可能无法向过度劳累的庇护官员解释他们的情况。该法案将建立简易排除程序,并投资具有前所未有的权力的低级移民官员,以驱逐难民,而无需让他们有一个公平的机会来为庇护建立有效的索赔。甚至在被允许申请庇护之前,没有有效文件的迫害的难民几乎无法理解或克服一系列程序障碍。

这是与当前程序的根本性不同,该程序在移民法官面前进行了庇护听证会,在此期间,申请人可以由律师代表,可以进行盘问和目击证人,然后由移民委员会上诉进行审查。此类听证会对于因INS官员的最初,错误的决定而导致可能面临酷刑,监禁或死亡的难民至关重要。确实,人权组织已经记录了许多案件的案件,这些案件最终被移民法官授予政治庇护所,因为INS拒绝他们从INS拘留中释放,因为他们没有达到“可信的恐惧”标准。根据法案会议报告中提出的摘要筛查,这些难民将被送回迫害者而没有听证会。

根据国际法,只有在索赔“明显没有根据”的情况下,才有机会证明一个人有机会证明庇护索赔。该法案将建立一种摘要筛查机制,该机制利用了“可信恐惧”标准,没有意义或国际法中的先例。这些摘要的排除规定受到国际人权组织和联合国难民高级专员的批评。

Furthermore, the proposed legislation would deny the Federal courts their historic role in overseeing the implementation of our immigration laws and review of individual administrative decisions. The bill would allow no judicial review whether a person is actually excludable. These proposals thereby portent a fundamental change in the role of our coordinate branches of Government and a dangerous precedent.

除了从根本上不公平地不公平地受到创伤且疲劳的难民,他们不允许不允许助手,也没有口译员,拟议的摘要筛查过程还会实现繁重且昂贵的INS资源转移。例如,在1995年,只有3,287名寻求庇护者到达没有有效文件的情况下到达 - 数以万计的人声称这些变化是合理的。该法案将要求在全国各地的机场,海港和其他入境港口创建并张贴一批经过专门培训的庇护官员,以便在边境进行简易筛查。当庇护过程已经受到控制时,根本不需要以这种方式转移这些资源。

There are no exigent circumstances that require this Nation to turn its back on its traditional role as a refuge from oppression and to resort to summary exclusion processes. Neither the Department of Justice nor the INS support these provisions or believe them necessary.

我敦促我的同事拒绝对我们的庇护法律的这种污秽,并支持推荐动议。

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利希先生。总统先生,我建议缺乏法定人数,并要求一致同意我的时代没有收费。

主持人。没有异议,它是如此有序。店员将打电话给卷。

立法clerk proceeded to call the roll.

哈奇先生。总统先生,我要求一致同意撤销法定人数的命令。

主持人。没有异议,它是如此有序。

哈奇先生。Mr. President, regarding the motion to recommit the conference report by the distinguished Senator from Vermont, now, look, this bill is a tough bipartisan measure. Stated simply, it is a landmark piece of legislation. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle know it. We have crafted a bill that puts the Nation's interests above partisan politics.

然而,我的一些同事批评该法案对恐怖分子的态度不足。实际上,许多人反对这项法案,因为它对恶性,定罪的凶手太艰难了 - 不是我来自佛蒙特州的朋友,而是其他人。我的同事们知道,这一提升的动议不会改善账单。相反,如果它通过,它将破坏抗恐怖主义法案。换句话说,它将杀死它。

因此,代表参议员Dole而我自己,我搬到了待定的动议,要求耶斯和反对。

利希先生。Mr. President, would the Senator withhold just a moment?

哈奇先生。我很乐意扣留。

利希先生。总统先生,据我了解,我们处于时间协议。这样的动议才能有秩序,直到或至少对这种动议进行投票,直到所有时间都使用或屈服后才能进行。我对么?

哈奇先生。I thought maybe the Senator had used his time.

I withdraw my request.

主持人。在使用或屈服的时间之前,该运动不会顺序。

利希先生。如果参议员要求一致同意立即提出动议,以便在时间到期或屈服-----------------------

哈奇先生。We can wait until then.

利希先生。总统先生,参议员会在我的时间上进一步屈服吗?

哈奇先生。我当然会这样做。

主持人。The Chair recognizes the Senator from Vermont.

利希先生。总统先生,我要求一致同意,由美国朋友服务委员会,美国犹太人委员会,大赦国际,新奥尔良天主教慈善机构,耶稣会,耶稣会的天主教慈善机构签署的委员会保存庇护和各种依恋的信件。社会部,芝加哥大都会犹太联合会,印度法律资源中心以及其他许多支持我的修正案的人记录

没有异议,命令将材料打印在记录,如下:

保存庇护委员会,
华盛顿特区,1996年4月8日。

荣誉。帕特里克·莱希(Patrick J. Leahy),
罗素参议院办公大楼,
华盛顿特区。

Dear Senator Leahy:我们是宗教团体,人权组织,相关医师以及移民和民权倡导者的临时联盟,他们聚集在一起,反对新的酒吧,以申请S. 269中包含的庇护。

The right to seek asylum is an internationally recognized human right, incorporated into U.S. law by Congress in the 1980 Refugee Act. It protects individuals fleeing persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. Each year the U.S. grants asylum to about 8,000 people, less than 1% of legal immigrants. The new bars to asylum contained in S. 269, the Immigration Control and Financial Responsibility Act, would seriously undermine human rights protections for these bona fide refugees.

The new bars to asylum, found in sections 133 and 193 of the bill, would give low level immigration officers the authority to exclude and deport without a fair hearing refugees who were forced to flee persecution without valid travel documents. For reasons illustrated in the attached documents, this section would effectively deny asylum to many human rights victims. It will also cost more money. Senator Leahy will offer an amendment on the Senate floor that will preserve procedural protections for people escaping religious and political persecution.

我们敦促您投票支持Leahy修正案。

Sincerely yours,

美国公民自由联盟。

American Friends Service Committee.

美国犹太委员会。

Amigos de los sobreviviventes。

Amnesty International.

Associated Catholic Charities of New Orleans.

华盛顿民权与城市事务律师委员会庇护和难民权利法项目。

Ayuda, Inc., Washington, DC.

Center for Immigrants Rights, Inc.

Central American Resource Center--CARECEN of Washington, DC.

中美洲政治庇护项目,美国朋友服务委员会,佛罗里达州迈阿密。

教会世界服务移民和难民计划。

Columban Fathers' Justice & Peace Office.

Comite Hispano de Virginia.

Committee for Humanitarian Assistance to Iranian Refugees.

Committee to Protect Journalists.

犹太联合会理事会。

加利福尼亚州圣拉斐尔的多米尼加姐妹。

El Centro Hispanoamericano.

Firn,Inc。(外国出生的信息和推荐网络)。

国家立法的朋友委员会。

人权与人权的心脏地带联盟。

Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society.

Hogar西班牙的。

伊利诺伊州移民和难民保护联盟。

Immigrant and Refugee Services of America.

Immigrant Legal Resource Center.

印度法律资源中心。

波士顿国际学院。

洛杉矶国际学院。

Jesuit Social Ministries.

Jewish Federation of Metropolitan Chicago.

拉斯美洲难民庇护项目。

律师人权委员会。

路德教会移民和难民服务部。

Marjorie Kovler Center for the Treatment of Survivors of Torture.

Mennonite Central Committee.

明尼苏达州倡导人权。

National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium.

Network: A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby.

北德克萨斯移民联盟。

西北移民权利项目。

和平工人。

人权医师。

Political Asylum/Immigration Representation Project, Boston College Law School.

Proyecto Adelante.

Proyecto San Pablo.

Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights.

Sponsors Organized to Assist Refugees, OR.

Union of Council of Soviet Jews.

美国难民委员会。

Vietnamese Association of Illinois.

Vive,Inc。,世界难民组织。

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The New Bars to Asylum Would Return Human Rights Victims to Further Persecution

VOTE FOR THE LEAHY AMENDMENT

Sections 133 and 193 of S. 269, the Immigration Control and Financial Responsibility Act, would give low-level immigration officers the authority to deport back to their persecutors refugees who were forced to flee persecution without valid travel documents. The new bars to asylum would punish people whose only means of fleeing repressive governments is by using invalid travel documents.

许多真正的难民在没有有效的旅行文件的情况下被迫逃离迫害,要么是因为他们没有时间获取它们,要么是因为申请他们会威胁他们的生命。

Under current law, a person who arrives in the United States without valid travel documents and fears persecution in his or her home country may go before an immigration judge and prove eligibility for asylum. The asylum seeker may be represented at the hearing at no cost to the government.

庇护的新酒吧将排除这样的人甚至申请庇护,直到他或她证明他或她对迫害有“可信的恐惧”,并使用无效的旅行文件直接逃离了一个国家。重新遭受迫害的危险。这一切可能必须在经历压力大的旅程之后立即得到证明,没有律师或口译员的帮助,并且没有任何司法或准司法官员的参与。

The new bars and summary procedures are problematic for several reasons.

“虚假文件”规则将损害人权受害者。从定义上讲,寻求庇护者经常担心政府对本国的迫害 - 同一政府发行旅行文件并检查身份证明文件和在机场和边境过境点的退出许可证。乐动冠军应该回忆说,美国长期以来一直向劳尔·沃伦伯格(Raoul Wallenberg)致敬,劳尔·沃伦伯格(Raoul Wallenberg)通过发行非正式的旅行文件来挽救了无数生命,以便难民可以逃离进一步的迫害。

Meritorious asylum seekers would be returned to persecution. The INS has made serious errors while trying to apply the `credible fear' test. Under current law, asylum seekers who arrive in the U.S. without valid travel documents are detained pending their hearing unless they prove a `credible fear' of persecution in their home country. Human rights organizations have documented many cases in which people were denied parole under this standard, but later were granted asylum at their hearing before an immigration judge. Under the new bars to asylum, they would have been returned to persecution. A summary of some of these case studies is attached.

司法部反对新的酒吧庇护。副检察长杰米·戈雷利克(Jamie Gorelick)在2月14日给司法委员会主席Orrin G.哈奇(Orrin G.定期程序。

新酒吧将否认必须在前往美国的途中更换飞机的难民保护。在能够申请庇护之前,使用虚假文件的难民必须证明他们需要离开她的国家或通过另一个国家过境。这一要求将使逃离没有直接运输路线的国家的寻求庇护者以及必须通过没有庇护法的国家 /地区的土地行驶的国家,与他们逃离的政府友好,或者是逃离的国家或对其背景或国籍的人敌对。来自亚洲和非洲国家的难民尤其面临这种情况。

庇护的新酒吧与国际法下的美国义务不一致,不可避免地会导致错误。新酒吧缺乏最小的程序保障措施,以防止真正的难民误入某些迫害。难民署“担心,如果新的庇护所成为法律,那么许多真正的难民将被送回其生命或自由受到威胁的国家。”(1996年3月6日给CMTE董事长Hatch的信,1996年3月6日)。

[页:S3430]

VOTE FOR THE LEAHY AMENDMENT

鲍勃(Bob)是苏丹喀土穆大学(University of Sudan)的一名学生,是反政府组织民主联盟党的积极成员。参加和平的学生抗议活动后,他被苏丹政府逮捕。他被拘留在6乘11英尺的牢房中,另外10名囚犯被拘留了2个月。在他的监禁期间,他多次受到审问和酷刑 - 他被他的手和脚吊死,被殴打和震惊。由于酷刑,他的肘部被永久变形。从监狱获释后,他仍然活跃于民主运动。然后,当他步行参加民主联盟会议时,他再次被捕并入狱。几个月后,当他仍在监狱中时,由于遭受了酷刑,他遭受了神经崩溃。他被转移到医院,但仍被捕。鲍勃穿着母亲走私到医院的护士制服,逃脱了监禁。

鲍勃(Bob)来自民主联盟的同事将他偷运到了一辆货轮前往德国的货轮。在德国,他借了另一个人的身份证离开船。鲍勃知道,德国的反移民和新生济运动已经加剧,在那里不可能获得庇护,鲍勃从德国飞往美国。他没有护照到达。当他离开飞机时,他立即告诉INS他想申请庇护。他被拘留。鲍勃之所以没有被拘留,是因为INS访调员认为他对迫害没有“可信的恐惧”。他被移民法官授予庇护。

艾伦(Alan)是印度国民,由于其宗教信仰,在克什米尔遭到迫害。有几次,他和他的家人被印度政府囚禁和折磨。1994年7月,当军事警察试图拘留他时,他逃避了逮捕。几个月后,他的家人的家被炸毁。

Fearing for his life, Alan fled to the United States using a false passport. He told the INS he wanted asylum immediately. He explained to the INS officials that he and his family had been persecuted by the Indian government. The INS officers at the airport did not think he was credible. The officials verbally abused Alan and denied him food and water until he was brought to a detention center the next day. Alan was not released from detention because the INS did not think he had a credible fear of persecution even though he presented the INS with reports about religious persecution in Kashmir. Alan was later granted asylum by an immigration judge.

尼日利亚国民山姆(Sam)是一个支持民主组织的积极成员,该组织决心确保尼日利亚民主选举。选举前不久,发现民主组织的领导人被谋杀,几名成员被捕并随后消失了。国家特勤局在选举日去了山姆的家,寻找他。当山姆得知特勤局正在寻找他时,他立即躲藏起来,担心如果他们找到他,他也会像同事一样“消失”。

Sam fled to the United States right out of hiding. He changed planes in Amsterdam. He traveled with a false U.S. passport. He was afraid that the Nigerian government would arrest him if he tried to leave the country with his own identification papers. When he arrived in the United States, he immediately told the INS that he wanted asylum. He was placed in detention. The INS interviewed him to determine whether he had a credible fear of persecution; the INS concluded that he did not. He was granted asylum by a federal court.

利希先生。总统先生,我还要求一致同意联合国难民高级专员支持的信件记录

没有异议,这封信被命令在记录, as follows:
UNITED NATIONS,

High Commissioner for Refugees,
华盛顿特区,1996年3月19日。
Re Special Exclusion Provisions of S. 269.

荣誉。帕特里克·利希(Patrick Leahy),
美国参议院,
华盛顿特区。

Dear Senator Leahy:我希望在3月14日的司法委员会标记会议上删除S. 269的特殊排斥规定的努力表示感谢,这些规定在该法案的第133、141和193节中发现,几乎可以肯定会肯定会导致在美国,善良的难民将其生命或自由受到威胁的国家。

As noted in my 6 March letter to Judiciary Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch, we offer our views regarding S. 269 with the hope that you and the other members of the Judiciary Committee will seek to adhere to the standards and principles set forth in the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, to which the U.S. acceded in 1968.

In particular, UNHCR is concerned with the following special exclusion provisions:

(1)缺乏适当的过程 - 第133、141和193节提供的程序保障措施很少,以确保不会错误地返回真正的难民遭到迫害。

(a)在第141节中没有行政审查,不受行政审查的特殊排除令(第19行第19行)。难民身份确定的最低程序指南规定,应为申请人提供合理的时间来呼吁对该决定进行正式重新审议。该原则是在难民署执行委员会的第8号(1977)结论中提出的。

The `prompt supervisory review' provided for in Section 193 (p. IC-36, line 12) does not meet these minimum procedural guidelines.

难民署执行委员会是来自包括美国在内的50个国家的一组代表,在行使其难民保护任务方面为难民署提供了政策和指导。

(b)在第193条之下,限制获得律师的限制,寻求庇护者到达美国入境口岸的情况下,允许使用虚假文件,或者不得与他们选择的人进行咨询'(p。IC-36,第25行)。这样的限制是违反了以下原则:庇护申请人应获得必要的设施,以将其案件提交给当局,包括主管口译员的服务以及与难民署执行委员会的代表联系(难民署执行委员会结论)第8号(1977))。

(2)第193节的限制规定,除非从海上的船只上送往美国的个人或没有送往美国的个人,否则不允许申请庇护迫害和使用的虚假文件(如果有的话)才能离开声称迫害国家。难民署要求美国取消此限制,并遵守提供如下的国际原则:

(a) `[A]sylum should not be refused solely on the ground that it could be sought from another State. Where, however, it appears that a person, before requesting asylum, already has a connexion or close links with another State, he may if it appears fair and reasonable be called upon first to request asylum from that State' (UNHCR Executive Committee Conclusion No. 15 (1979) (emphasis added)).

(b) When refugees and asylum-seekers move in an irregular manner (without proper documentation) from a country where they have already found protection, they may be returned to that country if, in addition to being protected against refoulement (i.e. protected against return to a country where their lives or freedom would be threatened), they are treated in accordance with `recognized basic human standards' (UNHCR Executive Committee Conclusion No. 58 (1989)). UNHCR is prepared to assist in practical arrangement for the readmission and reception of such persons, consistent with these international standards.

(3)可靠的恐惧标准——部分133,141193 create a new, heightened threshold standard that asylum-seekers must meet before they are permitted to present their claims in a hearing before an immigration judge. Under these sections, asylum-seekers who are brought or escorted to the US from a vessel at sea (Sections 133 and 141), who have entered the US without inspection, but have not resided in the US for two years or more (Section 141), who arrive during an `extraordinary migration situation' (Section 141) or who arrive at a port of entry with false documents or no documents (Section 193) must first establish a `credible fear' of persecution before they are permitted to present their claims in an asylum hearing before an immigration judge. UNHCR urges the adoption of a `manifestly unfounded' or `clearly abusive' standard which would reduce the risk that a bona fide refugee is erroneously returned to a country where s/he has a well-founded fear of persecution. This international standard for expeditious refugee status determinations is set forth in UNHCR Executive Committee Conclusion No. 30 (1983).

我们希望您能支持消除提交庇护申请的截止日期。未能在特定时间限制内提交请求不应导致庇护请求被排除在考虑之外(难民署执行委员会结论第15号(1979))。根据这一国际原则,无论是否满足提交截止日期,美国都必须保护难民免于返回危险。

再次,我感谢您为确保难民免于遭受迫害国家的努力所做的努力。如果难民署可能会为您,您的员工或委员会其他成员提供进一步的帮助,请随时与我的办公室联系。

真挚地,

Anne Willem Bijleveld,
Representative.

[页:S3431]

利希先生。总统先生,我没有任何试图脱轨。我只是说这是在深夜藏在其中的东西。没有人有机会辩论它。它在这里。对于从菲德尔·卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)的姐姐到逃避酷刑和宗教迫害的人来到美国的任何人,如果经过第二个国家或带着虚假的护照旅行去做这件事,这将使人们不可能或几乎不可能。

这是没有意义的。那不是反恐怖主义的情况。看看“辛德勒的名单”。请记住Raoul Wallenberg。考虑那些通过使用虚假护照逃避迫害的人,他们可以离开该国。他们很可能必须经过一个中间国家才能进入地球上最伟大的自由国家。仅仅因为有人将这些规定滑入了会议报告中,所以让我们不要随身携带。这是应该辩论的事情。

Our own Department of Justice does not support these provisions of the bill. I think in fact the Justice Department reiterated their opposition to them in an April 16 letter on similar provisions in the immigration bill to the majority leader. Deputy Attorney General Gorelick wrote us, `absent smuggling or an extraordinary migration situation, we can handle asylum applications for excludable aliens under our regular procedures.'

我保留时间的平衡,并屈服于犹他州参议员。

Mr. HATCH addressed the Chair.

主持人。主席表彰了犹他州参议员。

哈奇先生。总统先生,我不真的有thing more to say other than this is a very important piece of legislation. It is a key piece of legislation. It is desired by almost everybody who wants to do anything against terrorism. It is effective and strong. Even though we acknowledge we do not have everything everybody wants in this bill, it is a darn good bill that will make a real difference. If this motion or any motion to recommit passes, this bill is dead, it will be killed. So we simply have to defeat any and all motions to recommit. I will move to table the amendment at the appropriate time. I am prepared to yield back the balance of my time on this amendment.

拜登先生在椅子上讲话。

主持人。主席表彰了来自特拉华州的参议员。

拜登先生。Mr. President, the Senator from Utah, the distinguished chairman of the committee, keeps referencing that----

主持人。佛蒙特州参议员是否会从特拉华州参议员产生时间?

利希先生。Yes. I understand I have about 4 minutes. I yield 2 minutes to the Senator from Delaware.

拜登先生。总统先生,犹他州参议员一直说任何事情都会杀死这项法案。那不是真的。这不是“杀死该法案”。如果我们将其寄回会议,以进行一两个或12个修正案,则不会杀死该法案。我们拥有的每项重大法案,包括犯罪法案,至少三次,我们都将指示回到了会议上。这不会杀死该法案。

Some of this has not been well thought out. Much of what we left out of the bill, I am convinced, on reconsideration by our friends in the House, they would change their view. But I want to make it clear, I do not believe there is any evidence to suggest that sending this back to conference with specific instructions would kill the bill.

我已经准备好了,如果主席和参议员利希是,屈服。我屈服于地板。

Mr. LEAHY addressed the Chair.

主持人。The Chair recognizes the Senator from Vermont.

利希先生。来自加利福尼亚州的参议员是否在乎这样做?

Mrs. BOXER. No. I am waiting for the next motion.

利希先生。Mr. President, I thought Senator肯尼迪希望对此发言。

我准备恢复时间的平衡。

哈奇先生。I am prepared to yield back the balance of my time.

主持人。所有时间都屈服了。

哈奇先生。总统先生,我要求一致同意,即暂时暂时搁置Leahy动议,以暂时搁置投票,以在完成下一项提出的动议的辩论后,与Leahy动议发生或有关Leahy动议。

主持人。没有异议,它是如此有序。

哈奇先生。Senators should be aware there will be two consecutive rollcall votes following completion of all debate on the next motion.

Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent to move to table the Leahy amendment and ask for the yeas and nays.

主持人。有足够的第二吗?似乎有。

耶斯和反对被命令。